As a total and absolute novice to state government, Youngkin, who shares this distinction with his top three Cabinet picks, has shown a degree of deference to Republican lawmakers, teaming up with delegates and advisory committees. of senators on a range of public services. They produced giant binders for future Cabinet secretaries.
As part of the transition – characterized by an opacity that hints at Youngkin’s corporate origins – the fact that Republican lawmakers dig into the innermost cogs of Ralph Northam’s administration has apparently been baffling to some Democrats. outgoing.
Sharing information with a successor to the governorship is one thing, but opposition lawmakers acting on his behalf? It’s different, given the Republicans’ hostility to Northam’s agenda in the General Assembly. It gives those GOP lawmakers a leg up on Youngkin, arming them with information they can fully use, even against him.
Yet, not having elected a governor since 2009, the Republicans have in their majority restored in the House and vast minority repositories in the Senate of institutional knowledge that can be invaluable to Youngkin. He also leans on Republican lobbyists, although he prefers not to discuss it for fear he looks like a so-called outsider.
But it is the General Assembly that is the main arena for the Youngkin program of tax cuts, ending the awakening in public education and expanding privately and publicly funded charter schools. All three go nowhere without the consent of the legislature because all three are motivated by the constitutional authority of the legislature over spending.